Question (11) of the Resolution requests the views of survey
participants on the following:
(11) The effects of prohibiting manufacturers of petroleum
products not only from directly operating retail
service stations, but also from franchising them or
owning and leasing them to branded dealers
(divestiture).
State Government
AG: The Attorney General noted that, ultimately, divestiture would
make the gasoline retail market more competitive by "cleansing" that
market of inefficient retail dealers. Nevertheless, the price of
gasoline would not change significantly:
Requiring the oil companies to divest themselves
of their retail outlets would undo one level of the
vertical integration of the gasoline markets in Hawaii.
After divestiture, the oil companies would have to
compete with one another for retail outlets. Assuming
the retail outlets were not organized horizontally by
means of joint purchasing arrangements, the retail
outlets would have to compete against one another for
gasoline supplies.
The procompetitive effect hoped-for, would be an
increase in competition. Because there are many retail
dealers, divestiture should open up vigorous
competition at the retail level for both gasoline
consumers and for gasoline suppliers.
That, however, won't change the retail price of
gasoline much. Increased competition will not bring
gasoline prices down if the price is already at a
competitive level. The Department's ongoing
investigation has failed to establish that the
wholesale price of gasoline in recent years has ever
risen substantially above competitive levels.
Moreover, it is not clear that divestiture would
help keep the price of gasoline from rising above a
competitive level.
The structure of the wholesale gasoline markets in
Hawaii is not conducive to competition. (1) There are
only two refiners in the market and only five
significant wholesalers. (2) The market is dominated
by the two refiners, Chevron and BHP. (3) The
product, gasoline, is fungible. Additives and brand
names don't really make a difference. (4) The demand
is inelastic. A relatively small addition to the daily
supply of gasoline would drive the retail price down
substantially. (5) Entry and exit barriers are
relatively high. The principal barrier to entry is the
high sunk cost of new storage relative to the storage
capacity of the incumbent oil companies. (6) Price
information is not freely available. (7) Production
capacity generally exceeds demand. And, (8) storage
capacity generally falls short of the demand.
The Department concluded both in its 1990 report
and in its 1994 report that the incumbent oil companies
possessed market power, that is, the power to increase
the price of gasoline and to maintain it above a
competitive level for a substantial period of time.
Competition at the retail level would not
necessarily force the oligopolistically organized
wholesale level to become competitive. One refiner
would follow the price increase of the second since
doing so would increase profits by increasing revenues
without increasing costs. The first refiner should
maintain the existing price only if doing so would
increase profits. The only way the first refiner could
increase profits by pricing below his competitor would
be by taking enough business away from the competitor
to increase revenues more than the cost to service the
additional business. But the second refiner surely
would not tolerate the first refiner's effort and would
promptly cancel its price increase. Therefore, not
following the price increase of the other refiner would
only forego profits otherwise available.
Since neither refiner currently can supply the
entire consumer demand for gasoline in the Hawaii
markets, about 25,000 barrels per day, one refiner
would not likely mount an aggressive price war for
market share against the other.
Accordingly, divestiture might force a small
decrease in the retail price of gasoline. Ironically,
the amount of that decrease would be less than the
decrease that could be expected from the competition
from company stations. The competition from company
stations theoretically would eliminate the wholesale
profit from the retail price. Divestiture, like
divorcement would preserve the wholesale profit.
Without substantial competition at the refiner-
wholesale level, the decrease in the retail price that
would flow from divestiture would have to come from
decreases in the retail dealer's profits. The effect
would be to cleanse the retail market of inefficient
retail dealers. This increase in efficiency would be
the primary procompetitive effect of divestiture.472
DBEDT: The department reiterated its comments to questions (1) and
(7) of the Resolution that the prices of refined petroleum products are
largely determined by the market price of crude oil, while supply
arrangements and local market competition were only secondary
determinants of price. Moreover, the department stated that "the
federal government (GAO) in its investigation found no evidence that
regulatory structures such as divestiture actually resulted in lower
gasoline prices or increased competition."473
Gasoline Dealers
HARGD: The Association argued that divestiture would benefit
consumers, but would require additional measures to assist independents
in financing the purchase of their outlets:
Divestiture would be the most effective method of
providing the consumer with the best possible
protection with respect to the petroleum marketing
systems in operation. It is however the most drastic
of such methods of limiting control by petroleum
giants, and would require some means of helping
independents purchase their facility. If small
independents were not able to finance the purchase of
their existing franchised location, divorcement would
simply substitute multi-operation locations by firms
large enough to meet the required financial
requirement, yet not qualify as a petroleum jobber or
refiner, if that is the way such a provision were
established.
Divestiture would allow a station owner to shop the
market for the best price. A problem that would arise
is the chance of co-mingling of product from one
delivery to another, if additives used for marketing
under brand names were used by some and not by
others.474
Jobbers
HPMA: HPMA stated its belief that consumers are best served "by
creating a competitive environment that motivates manufacturers,
jobbers, or individuals to build facilities to satisfy consumer
demand":
A major oil company will not build a facility if there
is a chance that their facility will be operated by an
individual who will be motivated to buy product from
someone else. The franchise system, as it is set up,
allows a manufacturer to build their proprietary
facility, and a franchisee to operate it. If the
franchisee is successful, he will have the financial
reward that is achieved with a high level of
performance. In most instances, the
refiner/manufacturer has chosen to use the franchise
system because they feel that the franchisee does a
better job than the franchise as a director operator.
However, it is their choice whether to franchise the
facility or operate it directly themselves. For
example, the McDonald Corporation, the premier
franchiser in the world, chooses to franchise certain
facilities and to directly operate other facilities.
They believe this is in the best interest of their
company and the consumer. The manufacturer should have
that choice and government should not be allowed to
take that choice away.475
Aloha Petroleum: Aloha Petroleum argued that divestiture was
anticompetitive and would drive up the costs of the distribution
network, making it more difficult for undercapitalized dealers to start
or operate a business:
Total divestiture as contemplated in this question is
anti-competitive. Prohibiting manufacturers of
petroleum products from franchising, owning, or leasing
gasoline stations to branded dealers would force the
overall cost of the distribution network to increase
and would make it more difficult for undercapitalized
dealers to establish and operate their businesses.
Branded dealers have benefited from the financial
support of their suppliers. In several other states,
legislation has been enacted that prohibits
manufacturers from directly operating retail gasoline
stations. If legislation of this sort is contemplated,
jobbers should be excluded from its application since
jobbers do not have the advantage of producing
petroleum products and are dependent on refiners.476
Oil Companies
Shell: Shell stated that divestiture would be harmful to consumers
by resulting in less retail competition, increased prices, and fewer
consumer services:
A prohibition on investment in retail operations
by an entire class of competitors -- the suppliers who
have the greatest interest in the efficient
distribution of the products they manufacture -- would
be virtually certain to lessen competition at the
retail level, resulting in higher prices and less
services for consumers....477
If ownership of retail service stations by persons
other than suppliers were economically advantageous,
one would expect such ownership to be a widespread
phenomenon. On the contrary, however, only a small
percentage of retail service station dealers either own
their stations or lease them from someone other than
their supplier. The reasons for this include the
availability of relatively advantageous lease terms
from gasoline suppliers and the difficulty and cost of
environmental management.478
BHP: BHP stated that divestiture raises issues relating to taking
property without just compensation and infringement of the contractual
relationship between station owner and dealer, and would lessen
competition, resulting in reduced consumer choice:
In Hawaii's marketplace the majority of gas stations
are owned by manufacturers of petroleum products. A
minority of these are operated by the manufacturers
themselves while the rest are leased to branded dealers
or owned by independent dealers. Legislative
divestiture would face some serious legal issues such
as it amounts to a taking without just compensation in
violation of the fifth and fourteenth amendments or
that it infringes upon the established contractual
relationship between the station owner and the dealer.
Divestiture would reduce competition by eliminating an
established competitive offering from the marketplace,
leading to reduced consumer choice. The decrease in
competitive intensity would likely result in an
increase in consumer prices and a decrease in the
number of stations and station operating hours. (This
is consistent with the findings of numerous studies on
the effects of divorcement in the Maryland market.)
Divestiture and divorcement both serve to limit and
restrict a select group of market participants from
presenting their product/service offering to the
consumer. These discriminated against participants
lose both their assets and consequently their ability
to offer their product to the consumer. Consumers lose
in that they can expect higher prices coupled with
fewer and diminished product/service offerings in the
marketplace. The winners are clearly those residual
market participants who get to unfairly benefit from
the diminished competitive environment.479
Chevron: Chevron stated that divestiture would result in poorer
service and higher prices for Hawaii's consumers:
A modern service station represents an investment of
approximately $1.5 million, excluding land costs. To
provide such a station with the inviting appearance,
cleanliness, convenience, and environmental safety
demanded by consumers is a major undertaking. Oil
companies have the capital to make these investments
and to provide consumers with the type of station they
want. If refiners are unable to make such investments,
they will then by made by others. But the public will
be denied the benefits of vertical integration and of
the oil companies' experience and expertise. Quality
would deteriorate and prices would increase.480
Discussion
Divestiture, i.e., forcing vertically integrated oil companies to
divest all or a portion of their major operations (also known as
"vertical divorcement"), has been viewed as a way to decrease market
concentration and interdependence and foster greater competition among
the oil companies.481 This section reviews some of the historical
antecedents of divestiture in the petroleum industry, and reviews
arguments for and against the vertical structure of that industry.
Probably the "single greatest step" taken by the federal government
in this area was the divestiture suit brought against the Standard Oil
Company under the Sherman Antitrust Act, following the rise of that
company under the direction of John D. Rockefeller.482 Although
Standard Oil was only one of many economic empires arising in the
United States in the last half of the nineteenth century, it was
arguably the most successful and notorious.483 Through a syndicate of
thirty-three companies, Standard Oil had achieved a position of
dominance at the refining level which was subsequently protected by
integrating backwards into transportation; the company eventually was
able to effectively control the entire industry at all levels.484
At the turn of the century, the Standard Oil monopoly had begun to
weaken when a combination of large new discoveries in Texas and growing
political hostility enabled new businesses to enter the market and
build themselves into integrated companies. The practices of the
Standard Oil Trust had already led many states to pass antitrust laws,
and the antitrust movement was gathering momentum at the national
level.485 Finally, in May 1911, in the landmark antitrust decision of
Standard Oil Co. v. United States, the United States Supreme Court
upheld a lower court decision finding Standard Oil in violation of the
Sherman Act and forcing it to divest itself of its constituent
companies, thereby destroying its vertically integrated structure.486
In the aftermath of that decision, the larger of the companies
divested from Standard Oil proceeded to integrate by merger and
expansion. Many of the severed companies themselves became fully
integrated and, by the 1930s, eight of them were among the twenty
largest oil companies in the country.487 Three of the divested
companies, namely, Exxon (formerly Standard of New Jersey), Mobil
(formerly Standard of New York), and Socal (formerly Standard of
California), eventually grew larger and wealthier than their parent
company. In addition, because ownership of the new companies was
transferred to the same stockholders and because company officials had
long worked together, "the restructured companies began with a degree
of mutual cooperation and interdependence that has characterized the
relationships of the majors ever since."488 While some viewed the
vertical integration of the divested oil companies following the
break-up of Standard Oil as further evidence of the strategic (i.e.,
anticompetitive) advantages of vertical integration,489 others viewed
integration of the severed companies, as well as the reintegration of
the parent, as a way to minimize the risks inherent in the oil industry
and foster greater competition.490
The attempt of the federal government to compel the vertical
divorcement of the major oil companies in the Standard Oil decision
marked a turning point in terms of legislative initiative: "It was
from this precedent that future efforts to remold the vertical
structure of the oil industry through proposed divorcement legislation
would emerge."491 Divorcement legislation was first introduced during
the 1930s; interest in this legislation subsequently increased during
disruptions in the crude oil markets.492 Calls to dismantle the
integrated oil companies again arose out of the 1973-1974 energy
crisis.493
Proponents of divestiture believe that it would encourage greater
competition in the oil industry by preventing the accumulation of
monopoly power:
The basic arguments of the proponents of energy
industry divestiture are couched in terms of enhancing
competition. For example, the preamble to one of the
recent bills argues that "existing antitrust laws have
been inadequate to maintain and restore effective
competition in the petroleum industry." So it is
proposed that the laws be changed "to require the most
expeditious and equitable separation and divestment of
assets and interest of vertically integrated major
petroleum companies." Another bill is designed to
"create competition in the petroleum industry, thereby,
breaking the economic stranglehold of monopoly power"
and "to prevent in advance the aggrandizement of
monopoly power over alternative domestic sources of
energy."494
On the other hand, it is argued that no oil company has the power to
establish a monopoly in gasoline retail marketing,495 and that
divestiture would inevitably lead to decreased competition within the
oil industry:
[T]he structure of the oil industry in terms of number,
size, and diversity of companies is a strongly pro-
competitive factor. Dismemberment legislation would
create a larger total number of companies, but at each
of the levels--producing, refining, transportation, and
marketing--there would be the same number of companies
as there are now, or possibly less. Competition would
not be increased since there is no inter-functional
competition, only competition within like lines of
business. Moreover, there would be a tendency to
eliminate the diversity of interest which together with
low concentration ratios and ease of entry constitute
the strongly competitive factors in the petroleum
industry.
Dismemberment legislation would complicate the
ease of entry which has always characterized the
petroleum industry. Companies which have started in
one function and wish to integrate into others where it
appears more efficient to do so would be barred from
competing in such fields. ... If the companies
themselves tried to create such a structure of limiting
markets and erecting barriers to entry as is created by
dismemberment legislation, they would be charged with a
violation of antitrust laws.496
Moreover, it has been argued that divestiture would ultimately lead
to higher social costs in terms of increased costs to consumers, less
energy development, reduced technological innovation, and greater
dependence on foreign oil:
Vertical divorcement could very well have the perverse
effect of creating higher prices for petroleum products
by virtue of the higher costs that would result from
the increased production, investment, and inventory
requirements following an adaptive response to vertical
divorcement. Moreover (and critically), by retarding
technological innovation, vertical divorcement could
stultify productivity improvements and jeopardize the
development of new sources of energy. In short,
vertical divorcement offers nothing to benefit the
American consumer or to reduce the dependence of the
United States on the OPEC cartel. It is more likely to
increase product prices and increase the U.S.
dependence on foreign oil. If lower prices, efficient
resource allocation, and less dependence on foreign
supplies are the intended policy objectives, vertical
divorcement should be abandoned as a serious policy
alternative.497
Underlying question (11) of the Resolution is the assumption that such
a measure may be necessary to prevent vertically integrated oil
companies from driving independent dealers out of business. The major
petroleum companies, it is argued, help to undercut small independent
service stations through such practices as predatory pricing and
downstream subsidization, i.e., that vertically integrated companies
are subsidizing their marketing operations to eliminate non-branded,
independent marketers from the marketplace.
However, there is no evidence of predatory pricing in Hawaii's retail
gasoline markets,498 and, as noted in chapter 3, the decrease in the
number of lessee and open dealer stations and increased importance of
company-operated stations may be attributed to a number of alternative
explanations, including changes in gasoline consumption trends; the
trend toward large- volume, self-service outlets; the decline in demand
for repair and maintenance services; the growth of convenience stores;
the effects of governmental regulation; and changes in lease rents and
increasing land values.499
Other factors may also contribute to a refiner's decision whether
to operate a company store or to use a lessee dealer, such as the
economics of gasoline marketing in rural areas as opposed to urban
areas.500 The United States Department of Energy (1984) noted that the
decision whether or not to operate a company store is made as part of a
broader marketing strategy.501 Vertical integration may be an important
factor where high volumes of gasoline are sold, as in self-service "gas
express" style outlets. In particular, the DOE noted that based on the
economics of vertical integration, owning and operating high- volume
outlets may in some cases be more efficient and yield greater economies
than traditional dealer outlets:
[T]he managerial economies that affect the choice of
using a dealer versus an employee to operate an outlet
have been stressed. There is an additional explanation
based solely on the economics of vertical integration
in the absence of such economies. There is some
irreducible minimum amount of labor and capital
required to operate an outlet. At relatively low
volumes, the input factors are used effectively in
fixed proportions. When this is the case, there is no
efficiency motive to integrate fully by both owning and
operating the outlet. At larger volumes, however, the
ratio of factor inputs can be varied to achieve greater
economies. It appears that the cost-minimizing ratio
of capital to labor input increases with volume. This
is particularly clear when the labor quality is held
constant. For example, the income necessary to retain
a dealer-entrepreneur-mechanic at a location is
substantially greater than the income required to
retain a low-skill, part time, minimum wage employee.
The dealer-entrepreneur tends to have greater
difficulty in varying the quantity of quality-constant
labor input because the dealer's high-quality labor
input is difficult to subdivide.... [H]owever, if a
dealer may operate more than one high-volume outlet,
this difficulty can be reduced. In summary, the
traditional dealer-entrepreneur is less able to take
advantage of efficiencies that can be obtained at
higher volumes by varying the ratio of quality-constant
input factors. This stems from the relative fixity of
the traditional dealer's own labor input.502
Therefore, it may be argued, divestiture legislation would result in
greater inefficiency and run counter to consumer preferences by
favoring traditional dealer outlets over more efficient high- volume
outlets.
Endnotes |
Chapter 13
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