51. Jeffrey L. Spears, "Note: Arguments For and Against
Legislative Attacks on Downstream Vertical Integration in
the Oil Industry," 80 Kentucky L.J. 1075, 1078-1079 (Summer,
1992).
52. Id.
53. Fred C. Allvine and James M. Patterson, Competition, Ltd.:
The Marketing of Gasoline (Bloomington: Indiana University
Press, 1972) at 241.
54. Herbert Hovenkamp, Federal Antitrust Policy: The Law of
Competition and its Practice (St. Paul, MN: West Publishing
Co., 1994) at 334, 341.
55. Tenn. Code Ann. §47-25-603(a) (1994).
56. Black's Law Dictionary, 5th ed. (St. Paul, MN: West
Publishing Co., 1979) at 1401.
57. Hovenkamp (1994) at 329.
58. Tenn. Code Ann. §47-25-602(10) (1994).
59. Spears (1992) at 1076 n. 6; Graham Bannock, R. E. Baxter,
and Evan Davis, The Penguin Dictionary of Economics,
(London: Penguin Books, 1987) at 270. For a discussion of
the application of the 1982 Merger Guidelines issued by the
Antitrust Division of the United States Department of
Justice (relating to horizontal mergers) and the role of
terminal facilities in the wholesale distribution and
marketing of gasoline, see G.A. Hay and R. J. Reynolds,
"Competition and Antitrust in the Petroleum Industry: An
Application of the Merger Guidelines" in Antitrust and
Regulation: Essays in Memory of John J. McGowan, ed.
Franklin M. Fisher (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1985) at 15-
42. The Antitrust Division issued revised guidelines 1984
and, with the FTC, again in 1992, which also apply to
horizontal mergers. For a discussion of the 1992 guidelines
and vertical mergers, see Hovenkamp (1994) at 346-349.
60. Hovenkamp (1994) at 329-330.
61. See id. at 351, 384, 393.
62. Closely related to tying is reciprocity. Reciprocity, or
reciprocal dealing, is the sale or lease of a product on the
condition that the seller purchase a different product from
the buyer, or when a buyer conditions its purchase of one
product on the sale of one of its own products to the
seller. See id. at 381-384.
63. For further discussion of exclusive dealing, see notes 23
to
29 and accompanying text in chapter 4.
64. Herbert Hovenkamp, Antitrust Black Letter Series, 2d ed.
(St. Paul, MN: West Publishing Co., 1993) at 135.
65. See generally Hovenkamp (1993) at 133-139.
66. See also Roger D. Blair and David L. Kaserman, Law and
Economics of Vertical Integration and Control (New York, NY:
Academic Press, 1983) at 11-27; Wesley J. Liebeler,
"Integration and Competition" in Vertical Integration in the
Oil Industry, ed. Edward J. Mitchell (Washington, DC:
American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research,
1976) at 7-18.
67. Hovenkamp (1994) at 334. Vertical price fixing (resale
price maintenance), however, is per se illegal. Id. at 138,
175. See also David J. Teece, "Vertical Integration in the
U.S. Oil Industry" in Vertical Integration in the Oil
Industry, ed. Edward J. Mitchell (Washington, DC: American
Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, 1976) at
105-154.
68. See Hovenkamp (1994) at 336-341; Hovenkamp (1993) at 139-
142; see also Liebeler (1976) at 20-32; Teece (1976) at 154-
168.
69. "For antitrust purposes, a barrier to entry is some factor
in a market that permits firms already in the market to earn
monopoly profits, while deterring outsiders from coming in."
Hovenkamp (1994) at 39; see also Blair and Kaserman (1983)
at 42-44.
70. See also infra text accompanying notes 69 to 71; see
generally 15 U.S.C. section 13; Richard A. Posner, The
Robinson-Patman Act: Federal Regulation of Price
Differences (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute
for Public Policy Research, 1976); Blair and Kaserman at
120.
71. Allvine and Patterson (1972) at 211.
72. Hawaii, Department of the Attorney General, An Investigation
of Gasoline Prices in Hawaii: A Preliminary Report
(Honolulu: Sept. 1990) at 7 (hereinafter, "AG (1990)").
73. Kenneth M. Parzych, Public Policy and the Regulatory
Environment (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1993)
at 15.
74. Id. at 7-8. The upstream and downstream petroleum
industries may alternatively be characterized as a
"successive oligopoly"--one in which two oligopolistic
industries are vertically related and market power is
distributed asymmetrically among firms in the two
industries: "The upstream firms (suppliers) have the market
power to decide price (quantity) of intermediate products.
Taking the input price as given, the downstream firms have
market power over consumers." Other forms of oligopoly are
"bilateral oligopolies", in which the upstream and
downstream firms bargain over the price of the intermediate
products, and "mixed oligopolies", in which "the welfare-
maximizing public firms and profit maximizing private firms
co-exist in the same industry." Changqi Wu, Strategic
Aspects of Oligopolistic Vertical Integration, Studies in
Mathematical and Managerial Economics, vol. 36, ed. Herbert
Glejser and Stephen Martin (Amsterdam: North-Holland, 1992)
at 9. See also Parzych (1993) at 15-16.
75. E. Thomas Sullivan and Jeffrey L. Harrison, Understanding
Antitrust and its Economic Implications, Legal Text Series,
2d ed. (New York, NY: Matthew Bender, 1994) at 32, 256.
76. See id. at 32-33: "Even if interdependence results in price
rigidity in oligopolistic markets, nonprice competition in
the form of advertising, quality improvements, or pre-or
post-point-of-sale service may take place. Each form of
nonprice competition, however, may be subject to the same
limits as price competition. For example, quality
improvements may be quickly duplicated, giving the innovator
only a temporary advantage. Moreover, each form of nonprice
competition has a cost which will be a restraining force on
its use or on the minimum price of the product."
77. See Parzych (1993) at 18-19:
Tacit collusion, which most approximates
oligopolistic industry behavior, reflects an awareness
or recognition among rival firms that forceful price
competition would be ruinous to the individual firms
and the entire industry. Continued price cutting
would not substantially increase sales and ultimately
would lead to a rapid deterioration in revenues and
profitability. Thus, while firms do not in a
recordable way communicate their interest or
willingness to maintain comparable price levels, it is
instinctively clear that they must avoid competing
among each other on the basis of substantial
differences in price. This inferred awareness,
without concrete evidence of a conspiracy, is tacit
collusion.
Ultimately, the net result and impact of this
form of industry behavior is similar to what would
occur if the firms had formally, with prior
arrangement, overtly agreed to fix prices. In both
instances, consumers are denied meaningful differences
in price and ultimately elect to purchase a product
for other reasons. Overt collusion, which implies a
contrived arrangement among competitors to manipulate
and distort market conditions, is illegal. Uniformity
of selling prices, attributable to a conscious and
arranged effort among rival firms to avoid price
competition, is a per se violation of law.
In striking contrast, the same market impact,
arrived at through an implied awareness (tacit
collusion), is not a readily accepted violation of
law. This question of inferential conspiracy has been
judicially tested on a number of occasions without a
definitive interpretation having evolved. While it
may not appear to be very competitive when firms
pursue parallel pricing behavior, it has not become a
consistently interpreted violation without concrete
evidence or strong circumstantial evidence.
78. Sullivan and Harrison (1994) at 33. The question is whether
this market interdependence constitutes an agreement or
combination in violation of section 1 of the Sherman Act, or
whether the behavior is natural and rational in view of the
market structure. Id. at 134. Section 1 of the Sherman Act
makes unlawful "[e]very contract, combination ... or
conspiracy in restraint of trade." 15 U.S.C. section 1.
79. Allvine and Patterson (1972) at 212-213:
The major oil companies will generally refrain from
price competition and exhibit leadership in
establishing relatively high and stable prices. The
economic theory of markets in which there are
oligopolistic competitors accurately predicts that the
prevailing gasoline price will be set at or near the
price posted by one of the dominant sellers.
Experience also shows that in any market consisting of
a small number of dominant sellers, the implicit
understanding that a price cut can and will be met by
all other large sellers, effectively serves to deter
frequent or aggressive price competition.
80. Id. at 214.
81. Mark R. Lee, "Oil Price Shocks, Antitrust and Politics: The
Supply of Petroleum and the Demand for Regulation," 15 S.
Ill. U. L.J. 529, 535 (1991) (footnotes omitted).
82. Id. at 536.
83. See Andrea Shepard, "Contractual Form, Retail Price, and
Asset Characteristics in Gasoline Retailing," Rand J. of
Econ., vol. 24, no. 1 (Spring 1993) at 60:
Gasoline retailing is an example of a principal-agent
problem in a vertical setting. It is natural to view
the station manager, who sells gasoline to the final
consumer, as the agent and the refiner..., who
supplies gasoline to the station, as the principal.
The station itself is an asset in which both parties
may have some investment. The contract that governs
the relationship between the principal and the agent
specifies how the investment is to be shared and how
the asset is to be managed.
84. Id.
85. See id. at 61-62 and n. 7.
86. For a discussion of resale price maintenance in the courts,
see Hovenkamp (1994) at 417-426; Sullivan and Harrison
(1994) at 151-166.
87. See infra text accompanying notes 57 to 59.
88. Walter Miklius and Sumner J. LaCroix, Divorcement
Legislation and the Impact on Gasoline Retailing in the
United States and Hawaii (Honolulu: University of Hawaii,
Jan. 20, 1993) at 41-42.
89. United States, General Accounting Office, Energy Security
and Policy: Analysis of the Pricing of Crude Oil and
Petroleum Products (Washington, DC: March 1993) at 41-42
(footnotes omitted) (hereinafter, "GAO (1993)"). For a
discussion of marketing strategy developments since
decontrol, including the economics of gasoline marketing,
traditional pricing strategies, distribution strategies, and
outlet choice, see United States, Department of Energy,
Deregulated Gasoline Marketing: Consequences for
Competition, Competitors, and Consumers (Washington, DC:
March 1984) at 33-46 (hereinafter, "DOE (1984)").
90. While this section examines some of these issues, this
study, for the most part, does not undertake an analysis of
the international petroleum market or world events
influencing the dependence of the United States on petroleum
imports, national energy policy, the history or politics of
oil and gasoline regulation in the United States, or
national security or environmental quality concerns. For
discussions of these and related topics, see generally
United States, Department of Energy, The Motor Gasoline
Industry: Past, Present, and Future (Washington: Jan.
1991) (hereinafter, "DOE (1991)"); United States, Department
of Energy, The U. S. Petroleum Industry: Past as Prologue,
1970 - 1992 (Washington: Sept. 1993) (hereinafter, "DOE
(1993)"); Edward R. Fried and Philip H. Trezise, Oil
Security: Retrospect and Prospect (Washington, DC: The
Brookings Institution, 1993); Joseph P. Kalt, The Economics
and Politics of Oil Price Regulation: Federal Policy in the
Post-Embargo Era (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1981); H. A. Merklein and W. P. Murchison Jr., Those Gasoline Lines and
How They Got There (Dallas: Fisher Institute, 1980);
Franklin Tugwell, The Energy Crisis and the American
Political Economy: Politics and Markets in the Management
of Natural Resources (Stanford, CA: Stanford University
Press, 1988); and GAO (1993). For a discussion of gasoline
prices in Hawaii, see notes 39 to 56 and accompanying text
in chapter 3.
91. See GAO (1993) at 4-5, 48, 55.
92. See Nancy D. Yamaguchi and David T. Isaak, Hawaii and the
World Oil Market: An Overview for Citizens and Policymakers
(Honolulu: East-West Center Energy Program, Aug. 1990) at
21 (emphasis in original):
OPEC does not control the price of oil. Since
1973, no one has been able to control the price of
oil. The oil companies are as baffled as the
consumers, and have lost literally billions of dollars
on seemingly reasonable investments that turned bad
because of sudden changes in the price of crude.
There were signs in the late 1980s that the market was
beginning to stabilize, and some hope that the 1990s
might see something approaching a sensible market,
with prices high enough to encourage conservation and
development of alternative resources, but not so high
as to cause a world recession. The invasion of Kuwait
may have destroyed that possibility, and the 1990s may
be as volatile as the 1970s and 1980s.
93. GAO (1993) at 5.
94. Fried and Trezise (1993) at 86-87.
95. Id. at 87.
96. Id.
97. GAO (1993) at 6:
Oil prices change quickly to reflect actual or
potential changes in the scarcity and value of crude
oil and petroleum products. Crude oil prices respond
faster to oil market shocks today than they did before
the 1980s, when most oil was purchased in the contract
market. Currently, information about events that can
cause an actual or potential change in the supply of
and demand for oil is quickly translated into price
changes on the international futures exchanges.
Transactions in the other pricing markets will also
immediately reflect the price changes in the futures
market that were induced by the market shock.
98. According to the GAO (1993), "[i]ndustry officials and
experts and these other modelers point to several factors
that may help explain why retailers may be slow to pass
along decreases in their costs. For example, if price
decreases at the crude oil and wholesale levels are
perceived to be temporary, sellers may be disinclined to
lower retail prices; consumers may become accustomed to the
higher price; and consumers may not force prices down by
aggressively shopping for the lowest price." Id. at 7; see
also id. at 72-73.
99. Id. at 45.
100. Id. at 48-49.
101. John Zyren, "What Drives Motor Gasoline Prices?", Petroleum
Marketing Monthly (Washington, DC: Energy Information
Administration, June 1995) at xxii. The gasoline spread is
the difference in gasoline price over crude. See id. at xv.
102. See GAO (1993) at 48-52; see also Philip E. Sorensen, An
Economic Analysis of the Distributor-Dealer Wholesale
Gasoline Price Inversion of 1990: The Effects of Different
Contractual Relations, manuscript (April 1991) at 3-6.
103. GAO (1993) at 55-56 (footnote omitted).
104. Id. at 56 (footnote omitted).
105. DOE (1991) at 31; see also chapter 16 for further discussion
of taxation.
106. Id. at 31-32.
107. 15 U.S.C. §2801 et seq. (1995).
108. See, e.g., DuFresne's Auto Service, Inc. v. Shell Oil Co.,
992 F.2d 920, 925 (9th Cir., 1993); see also John D. Burns
and Gregory A. Chaimov, "Repairing the Irreparable Harm
Standard in Petroleum Marketing Practices Act Injunction
Cases," Franchise L.J., vol. 11, no. 1 (Summer, 1991) at 3.
109. See Miklius and LaCroix (1993) at 41; see generally 62B Am.
Jur. 2d Private Franchise Contracts §§659-726 (1990).
110. 15 U.S.C. §1 et seq. (1995).
111. 15 U.S.C. §§1, 2 (1995).
112. Arizona, Joint Legislative Study Committee on Petroleum
Pricing and Marketing Practices and Petroleum Producer
Retail Divorcement, Final Report (Dec. 1988) (hereinafter,
"Arizona Report") at 13.
113. See Haw. Rev. Stat. chapter 480.
114. 15 U.S.C. §12 et seq. (1995).
115. Tying arrangements exist when a seller states that the
seller will sell a product or service (the tying product)
only if the consumer agrees to purchase another product or
service (the tied product). See Hawaii, Legislative
Reference Bureau, The Hawaii Antitrust Act, Report No. 8
(Honolulu: 1961) at 23-26.
116. Arizona Report at 13.
117. 15 U.S.C. §41 et seq. (1995).
118. Arizona Report at 13.
119. See 49 Stat. 1526 (1936).
120. 15 U.S.C. §13 (1995).
121. See Posner (1976) at 1-2.
122. 15 U.S.C. §1051 et seq. (1995).
123. Arizona Report at 24; Andrew D. Smith, "Comment: Trademark
Law: Equity's Role in Unfair Competition Cases," 13 U. Haw.
L. Rev. 137, 141 (Summer 1991).
124. See Hawaii, Department of the Attorney General, Gasoline
Prices in Hawaii: The Impact of Oil Company Divorcement on
Consumer Prices (Honolulu: 1993) at 25-27. In particular,
the Attorney General discussed the following bills:
The Motor Fuel Consumer Protection Act (S. 790)
would have enacted divorcement by prohibiting
producers or refiners from operating any motor fuel
service station in the United States. The bill
would have allowed producers or refiners to own all
or part of the assets of a service station so long
as the producer or refiner did not engage in the
business of selling motor fuel at the station
through any employee, agent, or other person acting
under the control or supervision of the refiner or
producer. In addition, this bill would have enacted
an open supply requirement, which would have imposed
a seventy percent cap on the monthly retail sales of
gasoline that a producer or refiner could require a
retail dealer to purchase, and would have forbidden
a producer or refiner from restraining the amount of
fuel that a dealer could purchase.
The Petroleum Marketing Competition Enhancement Act
(S. 2041; H.R. 2966) would have prohibited refiners
from engaging in price inversion, i.e., from
supplying gasoline to their wholesale customers at a
higher price than offered at their own company-
operated retail stations less an amount for the
company's cost to operate at retail. The bill also
would have prohibited refiners from engaging in
price fixing, i.e., from entering into any scheme or
agreement to set, change, or maintain maximum retail
prices of motor fuel, except with respect to the
refiner's retail sales at its direct operated
outlets.
The Motor Fuel Marketing Competition Act (S. 2043)
would have prohibited price inversion and price
fixing similar to that provided in the Petroleum
Marketing Competition Enhancement Act, and further
would have prohibited supply discrimination by a
refiner against established customers in favor of
its own directly operated outlets during periods of
short supply.
A fourth bill reviewed by the Attorney General, the
Petroleum Marketing Competition Enhancement
Practices Act, which was developed as a compromise
measure near the end of the 102d Congress, was
apparently never introduced. That bill would have
prohibited refiners from practicing price inversion
and would have enacted an open supply provision. In
addition, the bill would have given the Justice
Department and state attorneys general both criminal
and civil enforcement authority, and allow persons
injured in their business or property, including
competitors, to sue for treble damages and
injunctive relief.
Chapter 2
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Chapter 3
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